HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.
1. Confucius died, we have seen, complaining that of all the princes
of the kingdom there was not one who would adopt his
[Sidebar] Homage rendered to Confucius by the sovereigns of
principles and obey his lessons. He had hardly passed from the stage
of life, when his merit began to be acknowledged. When the duke Ai heard
of his death, he pronounced his eulogy in the words, 'Heaven has not
left to me the aged man. There is none now to assist me on the throne.
Woe is me! Alas! O venerable Ni !' Tsze-kung complained of the
inconsistency of this lamentation from one who could not use the master
when he was alive, but the prince was probably sincere in his grief. He
caused a temple to be erected, and ordered that sacrifice should be
offered to the sage, at the four seasons of the year .
The sovereigns of the tottering dynasty of Chau had not the
intelligence, nor were they in a position, to do honour to the departed
philosopher, but the facts detailed in the first chapter of these
prolegomena, in connexion with the attempt of the founder of the Ch'in
dynasty to destroy the literary monuments of antiquity, show how the
authority of Confucius had come by that time to prevail through the
nation. The founder of the Han dynasty, in passing through Lu, B.C. 195,
visited his tomb and offered the three victims in sacrifice to him.
Other sovereigns since then have often made pilgrimages to the spot. The
most famous temple in the empire now rises near the place of the grave.
The second and greatest of the rulers of the present dynasty, in the
twenty-third year of his reign, the K'ang-hsi period, there set the
example of kneeling thrice, and each time laying his forehead thrice in
the dust, before the image of the sage.
In the year of our Lord 1, began the practice of conferring honourary
designations on Confucius by imperial authority. The emperor Ping 
then styled him-- 'The duke Ni, all-complete and l Li Chi, II. Sect. I.
iii. 43. This eulogy is found at greater length in the 左傳, immediately
after the notice of the sage's death.
2 See the 聖廟祀典圖考, 卷一, art. on Confucius. I am indebted to this for most
of the notices in this paragraph.
illustrious .' This was changed, in A.D. 492, to-- 'The venerable
Ni, the accomplished Sage .' Other titles have supplanted this. Shun-chih
, the first of the Man-chau dynasty, adopted, in his second year,
A.D. 1645, the style, 'K'ung, the ancient Teacher, accomplished and
illustrious, all- complete, the perfect Sage ;' but twelve years
later, a shorter title was introduced,-- 'K'ung, the ancient Teacher,
the perfect Sage .' Since that year no further alteration has been
At first, the worship of Confucius was confined to the country of Lu,
but in A.D. 57 it was enacted that sacrifices should be offered to him
in the imperial college, and in all the colleges of the principal
territorial divisions throughout the empire. In those sacrifices he was
for some centuries associated with the duke of Chau, the legislator to
whom Confucius made frequent reference, but in A.D. 609 separate temples
were assigned to them, and in 628 our sage displaced the older worthy
altogether. About the same time began the custom, which continues to the
present day, of erecting temples to him,-- separate structures, in
connexion with all the colleges, or examination-halls, of the country.
The sage is not alone in those temples. In a hall behind the
principal one occupied by himself are the tablets -- in some cases, the
images -- of several of his ancestors, and other worthies; while
associated with himself are his principal disciples, and many who in
subsequent times have signalized themselves as expounders and
exemplifiers of his doctrines. On the first day of every month,
offerings of fruits and vegetables are set forth, and on the fifteenth
there is a solemn burning of incense. But twice a year, in the middle
months of spring and autumn, when the first ting day  of the
month comes round, the worship of Confucius is performed with peculiar
solemnity. At the imperial college the emperor himself is required to
attend in state, and is in fact the principal performer. After all the
preliminary arrangements have been made, and the emperor has twice knelt
and six times bowed his head to the earth, the presence of Confucius's
spirit is invoked in the words, 'Great art thou, O perfect sage! Thy
virtue is full; thy doctrine is complete. Among mortal men there has not
been thine equal. All kings honour thee. Thy statutes and laws have come
4 大成至聖, 文宣尼師, 孔子
down. Thou art the pattern in this imperial school. Reverently have
the sacrificial vessels been set out. Full of awe, we sound our drums
and bells .'
The spirit is supposed now to be present, and the service proceeds
through various offerings, when the first of which has been set forth,
an officer reads the following , which is the prayer on the
occasion:-- 'On this ... month of this ... year, I, A.B., the
emperor, offer a sacrifice to the philosopher K'ung, the ancient
Teacher, the perfect Sage, and say,-- O Teacher, in virtue equal to
Heaven and Earth, whose doctrines embrace the past time and the present,
thou didst digest and transmit the six classics, and didst hand down
lessons for all generations! Now in this second month of spring (or
autumn), in reverent observance of the old statutes, with victims,
silks, spirits, and fruits, I carefully offer sacrifice to thee. With
thee are associated the philosopher Yen, Continuator of thee; the
philosopher Tsang, Exhibiter of thy fundamental principles; the
philosopher Tsze-sze, Transmitter of thee; and the philosopher Mang,
Second to thee. May'st thou enjoy the offerings!'
I need not go on to enlarge on the homage which the emperors of China
render to Confucius. It could not be more complete. He was unreasonably
neglected when alive. He is now unreasonably venerated when dead.
2. The rulers of China are not singular in this matter, but in entire
sympathy with the mass of their people. It is the distinction
[Sidebar] General appreciation of Confucius.
of this empire that education has been highly prized in it from the
earliest times. It was so before the era of Confucius, and we may be
sure that the system met with his approbation. One of his remarkable
sayings was,-- 'To lead an uninstructed people to war is to throw them
away .' When he pronounced this judgment, he was not thinking of
military training, but of education in the duties of life and
citizenship. A people so taught, he thought, would be morally fitted to
fight for their government. Mencius, when lecturing to the ruler of
T'ang on the proper way of governing a kingdom, told him that he must
provide the means of education for all, the poor as well as the rich.
'Establish,' said he, 'hsiang, hsu, hsio, and hsiao,-- all those
educational institutions,-- for the instruction of the people .'
1 2 See the 大清通禮卷十二.
3 Ana. XIII. xxx.
4 Mencius III. Pt. I. iii. 10.
At the present day, education is widely diffused throughout China. In
few other countries is the schoolmaster more abroad, and in all schools
it is Confucius who is taught. The plan of competitive examinations, and
the selection for civil offices only from those who have been successful
candidates,-- good so far as the competition is concerned, but injurious
from the restricted range of subjects with which an acquaintance is
required,-- have obtained for more than twelve centuries. The classical
works are the text books. It is from them almost exclusively that the
themes proposed to determine the knowledge and ability of the students
are chosen. The whole of the magistracy of China is thus versed in all
that is recorded of the sage, and in the ancient literature which he
preserved. His thoughts are familiar to every man in authority, and his
character is more or less reproduced in him.
The official civilians of China, numerous as they are, are but a
fraction of its students, and the students, or those who make literature
a profession, are again but a fraction of those who attend school for a
shorter or longer period. Yet so far as the studies have gone, they have
been occupied with the Confucian writings. In the schoolrooms there is a
tablet or inscription on the wall, sacred to the sage, and every pupil
is required, on coming to school on the morning of the first and
fifteenth of every month, to bow before it, the first thing, as an act
of reverence . Thus all in China who receive the slightest tincture
of learning do so at the fountain of Confucius. They learn of him and do
homage to him at once. I have repeatedly quoted the statement that
during his life-time he had three thousand disciples. Hundreds of
millions are his disciples now. It is hardly necessary to make any
allowance in this statement for the followers of Taoism and Buddhism,
for, as Sir John Davis has observed, 'whatever the other opinions or
faith of a Chinese may be, he takes good care to treat Confucius with
respect .' For two thousand years he has reigned supreme, the
undisputed teacher of this most populous land.
3. This position and influence of Confucius are to be ascribed, I
conceive, chiefly to two causes:-- his being the preserver, namely of
l During the present dynasty, the tablet of 文昌帝君, the god of
literature, has to a considerable extent displaced that of Confucius in
schools. Yet the worship of him does not clash with that of the other.
He is 'the father' of composition only.
2 The Chinese, vol. ii. p. 45.
the monuments of antiquity, and the exemplifier and expounder of
[Sidebar] The causes of his influence.
the maxims of the golden age of China; and the devotion to him of his
immediate disciples and their early followers. The national and the
personal are thus blended in him, each in its highest degree of
excellence. He was a Chinese of the Chinese; he is also represented as,
and all now believe him to have been, the beau ideal of humanity
in its best and noblest estate.
4. It may be well to bring forward here Confucius's own estimate of
himself and of his doctrines. It will serve to illustrate the
[Sidebar] His own estimate of himself and of his doctrines.
statements just made. The following are some of his sayings:-- 'The
sage and the man of perfect virtue;-- how dare I rank myself with them?
It may simply be said of me, that I strive to become such without
satiety, and teach others without weariness.' 'In letters I am perhaps
equal to other men; but the character of the superior man, carrying out
in his conduct what he professes, is what I have not yet attained to.'
'The leaving virtue without proper cultivation; the not thoroughly
discussing what is learned; not being able to move towards righteousness
of which a knowledge is gained; and not being able to change what is not
good;-- these are the things which occasion me solicitude.' 'I am not
one who was born in the possession of knowledge; I am one who is fond of
antiquity and earnest in seeking it there.' 'A transmitter and not a
maker, believing in and loving the ancients, I venture to compare myself
with our old P'ang .'
Confucius cannot be thought to speak of himself in these declarations
more highly than he ought to do. Rather we may recognise in them the
expressions of a genuine humility. He was conscious that personally he
came short in many things, but he toiled after the character, which he
saw, or fancied that he saw, in the ancient sages whom he acknowledged;
and the lessons of government and morals which he labored to diffuse
were those which had already been inculcated and exhibited by them.
Emphatically he was 'a transmitter and not a maker.' It is not to be
understood that he was not fully satisfied of the truth of the
principles which he had learned. He held them with the full approval and
consent of his own understanding. He believed that if they were acted
on, they would remedy the evils of his time.
1 All these passages are taken from the seventh Book of the Analects.
See chapters xxxiii, xxxii, iii, xix, and i.
There was nothing to prevent rulers like Yao and Shun and the great
Yu from again arising, and a condition of happy tranquillity being
realized throughout the kingdom under their sway.
If in anything he thought himself 'superior and alone,' having
attributes which others could not claim, it was in his possessing a
divine commission as the conservator of ancient truth and rules. He does
not speak very definitely on this point. It is noted that 'the
appointments of Heaven was one of the subjects on which he rarely
touched .' His most remarkable utterance was that which I have
already given in the sketch of his Life:-- 'When he was put in fear in
K'wang, he said, "After the death of king Wan, was not the cause of
truth lodged here in me? If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth
perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to
that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what
can the people of K'wang do to me ?"' Confucius, then, did feel that
he was in the world for a special purpose. But it was not to announce
any new truths, or to initiate any new economy. It was to prevent what
had previously been known from being lost. He followed in the wake of
Yao and Shun, of T'ang, and king Wan. Distant from the last by a long
interval of time, he would have said that he was distant from him also
by a great inferiority of character, but still he had learned the
principles on which they all happily governed the country, and in their
name he would lift up a standard against the prevailing lawlessness of
5. The language employed with reference to Confucius by his disciples
and their early followers presents a striking contrast with his own.
[Sidebar] Estimate of him by his disciples and their early
I have already, in writing of the scope and value of 'The Doctrine of
the Mean,' called attention to the extravagant eulogies of his grandson
Tsze- sze. He only followed the example which had been set by those
among whom the philosopher went in and out. We have the language of Yen
Yuan, his favourite, which is comparatively moderate, and simply
expresses the genuine admiration of a devoted pupil . Tsze-kung on
several occasions spoke in a different style. Having heard that one of
the chiefs of Lu had said that he himself -- Tsze-kung -- was superior
to Confucius, he observed, 'Let me use the comparison of a house and its
encompassing wall. My wall
1 Ana. IX. i.
2 Ana. IX. iii.
3 Ana. IX. x.
only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep over it, and see whatever
is valuable in the apartments. The wall of my master is several fathoms
high. If one do not find the door and enter by it, he cannot see the
rich ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all the officers in their
rich array. But I may assume that they are few who find the door. The
remark of the chief was only what might have been expected '
Another time, the same individual having spoken revilingly of
Confucius, Tsze-kung said, 'It is of no use doing so. Chung-ni cannot be
reviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks and mounds
which may be stepped over. Chung-ni is the sun or moon, which it is not
possible to step over. Although a man may wish to cut himself off from
the sage, what harm can he do to the sun and moon? He only shows that he
does not know his own capacity .'
In conversation with a fellow-disciple, Tsze-kung took a still higher
flight. Being charged by Tsze-ch'in with being too modest, for that
Confucius was not really superior to him, he replied, 'For one word a
man is often deemed to be wise, and for one word he is often deemed to
be foolish. We ought to be careful indeed in what we say. Our master
cannot be attained to, just in the same way as the heavens cannot be
gone up to by the steps of a stair. Were our master in the position of
the prince of a State, or the chief of a Family, we should find verified
the description which has been given of a sage's rule:-- He would plant
the people, and forthwith they would be established; he would lead them
on, and forthwith they would follow him; he would make them happy, and
forthwith multitudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimulate
them, and forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he would
be glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is it
possible for him to be attained to ?'
From these representations of Tsze-kung, it was not a difficult step
for Tsze-sze to take in exalting Confucius not only to the level of the
ancient sages, but as 'the equal of Heaven.' And Mencius took up the
theme. Being questioned by Kung-sun Ch'au, one of his disciples, about
two acknowledged sages, Po-i and I Yin, whether they were to be placed
in the same rank with Confucius, he replied, 'No. Since there were
living men until now, there never was another Confucius;' and then he
proceeded to fortify his
1 Ana. XIX. xxiii.
2 Ana. XIX. xxiv.
3 Ana. XIX. xxv.
opinion by the concurring testimony of Tsai Wo, Tsze-kung, and Yu Zo,
who all had wisdom, he thought, sufficient to know their master. Tsai
Wo's opinion was, 'According to my view of our master, he is far
superior to Yao and Shun.' Tsze-kung said, 'By viewing the ceremonial
ordinances of a prince, we know the character of his government. By
hearing his music, we know the character of his virtue. From the
distance of a hundred ages after, I can arrange, according to their
merits, the kings of those hundred ages;-- not one of them can escape
me. From the birth of mankind till now, there has never been another
like our master.' Yu Zo said, 'Is it only among men that it is so? There
is the ch'i-lin among quadrupeds; the fung-hwang among birds; the T'ai
mountain among mounds and ant-hills; and rivers and seas among rainpools.
Though different in degree, they are the same in kind. So the sages
among mankind are also the same in kind. But they stand out from their
fellows, and rise above the level; and from the birth of mankind till
now, there never has been one so complete as Confucius .' I will not
indulge in farther illustration. The judgment of the sage's disciples,
of Tsze-sze, and of Mencius, has been unchallenged by the mass of the
scholars of China. Doubtless it pleases them to bow down at the shrine
of the Sage, for their profession of literature is thereby glorified. A
reflection of the honour done to him falls upon themselves. And the
powers that be, and the multitudes of the people, fall in with the
judgment. Confucius is thus, in the empire of China, the one man by whom
all possible personal excellence was exemplified, and by whom all
possible lessons of social virtue and political wisdom are taught.
6. The reader will be prepared by the preceding account not to expect
to find any light thrown by Confucius on the great problems of the human
condition and destiny. He did not speculate on the creation of things or
the end of them. He was not troubled to account for the origin of man,
nor did he seek to know about his hereafter. He meddled neither with
physics nor metaphysics .
[Sidebar] Subjects on which Confucius did not treat.-- That he
was unreligious, unspiritual, and open to the charge of insincerity.
The testimony of the Analects about the subjects of his teaching is
the following:-- 'His frequent themes of discourse were the Book
1 Mencius, II. Pt. I. ii. 23-28.
2 'The contents of the Yi-ching, and Confucius's labors upon it, may be
objected in opposition to this statement, and I must be understood to
make it with come reservation. Six years ago, I spent all my leisure
time for twelve months in the study of that Work, and wrote out a
translation of it, but at the close I was only groping my way in
darkness to lay hold of [footnote continued next page].
of Poetry, the Book of History, and the maintenance of the rules of
Propriety.' 'He taught letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and
truthfulness.' 'Extraordinary things; feats of strength; states of
disorder; and spiritual beings, he did not like to talk about .'
Confucius is not to be blamed for his silence on the subjects here
indicated. His ignorance of them was to a great extent his misfortune.
He had not learned them. No report of them had come to him by the ear;
no vision of them by the eye. And to his practical mind the toiling of
thought amid uncertainties seemed worse than useless.
The question has, indeed, been raised, whether he did not make
changes in the ancient creed of China , but I cannot believe that he
did so consciously and designedly. Had his idiosyncrasy been different,
we might have had expositions of the ancient views on some points, the
effect of which would have been more beneficial than the indefiniteness
in which they are now left, and it may be doubted so far, whether
Confucius was not unfaithful to his guides. But that he suppressed or
added, in order to bring in articles of belief originating with himself,
is a thing not to be charged against him.
I will mention two important subjects in regard to which there is a
conviction in my mind that he came short of the faith of the older
sages. The first is the doctrine of God. This name is common in the
Shih-ching and Shu-ching. Ti or Shang-Ti appears there as
a personal being, ruling in heaven and on earth, the author of man's
moral nature, the governor among the nations, by whom kings reign and
princes decree justice, the rewarder of the good, and the punisher of
the bad. Confucius preferred to speak of Heaven. Instances have already
been given of this. Two others may be cited:-- 'He who offends against
Heaven has none to whom he can pray ?' 'Alas! ' said he, 'there is no
one that knows me.' Tsze-kung said, 'What do you mean by thus saying
that no one knows you?' He replied, 'I do not murmur against Heaven. I
[footnote continued from previous page] its scope and meaning, and up
to this time I have not been able to master it so as to speak positively
about it. It will come in due time, in its place, in the present
Publication, and I do not think that what I here say of Confucius will
require much, if any, modification.' So I wrote in 1861; and I at last
accomplished a translation of the Yi, which was published in 1882, as
the sixteenth volume of 'The Sacred Books of 'the East.' I should like
to bring out a revision of that version, with the Chinese text, so as to
make it uniform with the volumes of the Classics previously published.
But as Yang Ho said to Confucius, 'The years do not wait for us.'
1 Ana. VII. xvii; xxiv; xx.
2 See Hardwick's 'Christ and other Masters,' Part iii, pp. 18, 19, with
his reference in a note to a passage from Meadows's 'The Chinese and
3 Ana. III. xiii.
not grumble against men. My studies lie low, and my penetration rises
high. But there is Heaven;-- THAT knows me !' Not once throughout the
Analects does he use the personal name. I would say that he was
unreligious rather than irreligious; yet by the coldness of his
temperament and intellect in this matter, his influence is unfavourable
to the development of ardent religious feeling among the Chinese people
generally; and he prepared the way for the speculations of the literati
of medieval and modern times, which have exposed them to the charge of
Secondly, Along with the worship of God there existed in China, from
the earliest historical times, the worship of other spiritual beings,--
especially, and to every individual, the worship of departed ancestors.
Confucius recognised this as an institution to be devoutly observed. 'He
sacrificed to the dead as if they were present; he sacrificed to the
spirits as if the spirits were present. He said. "I consider my not
being present at the sacrifice as if I did not sacrifice ."' The
custom must have originated from a belief in the continued existence of
the dead. We cannot suppose that they who instituted it thought that
with the cessation of this life on earth there was a cessation also of
all conscious being. But Confucius never spoke explicitly on this
subject. He tried to evade it. 'Chi Lu asked about serving the spirits
of the dead, and the master said, "While you are not able to serve men,
how can you serve their spirits?" The disciple added, "I venture to ask
about death," and he was answered, "While you do not know life, how can
you know about death ."' Still more striking is a conversation with
another disciple, recorded in the 'Narratives of the School.' Tsze-kung
asked him, saying, 'Do the dead have knowledge (of our services, that
is), or are they without knowledge?' The master replied, 'If I were to
say that the dead have such knowledge, I am afraid that filial sons and
dutiful grandsons would injure their substance in paying the last
offices to the departed; and if I were to say that the dead have not
such knowledge, I am afraid lest unfilial sons should leave their
parents unburied. You need not wish, Tsze, to know whether the dead have
knowledge or not. There is no present urgency about the point. Hereafter
you will know it for yourself .' Surely this was not the teaching
proper to a sage.
1 Ana. XIV. xxxvii.
2 Ana. III. xii.
3 Ana. XI. xi.
4 家語, 卷二, art. 致思, towards the end.
He said on one occasion that he had no concealments from his
disciples . Why did he not candidly tell his real thoughts on so
interesting a subject? I incline to think that he doubted more than he
believed. If the case were not so, it would be difficult to account for
the answer which he returned to a question as to what constituted
wisdom:-- 'To give one's self earnestly,' said he, 'to the duties due to
men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them,
may be called wisdom .' At any rate, as by his frequent references to
Heaven, instead of following the phraseology of the older sages, he gave
occasion to many of his professed followers to identify God with a
principle of reason and the course of nature; so, in the point now in
hand, he has led them to deny, like the Sadducees of old, the existence
of any spirit at all, and to tell us that their sacrifices to the dead
are but an outward form, the mode of expression which the principle of
filial piety requires them to adopt when its objects have departed this
It will not be supposed that I wish to advocate or to defend the
practice of sacrificing to the dead. My object has been to point out how
Confucius recognised it, without acknowledging the faith from which it
must have originated, and how he enforced it as a matter of form or
ceremony. It thus connects itself with the most serious charge that can
be brought against him,-- the charge of insincerity. Among the four
things which it is said he taught, 'truthfulness' is specified , and
many sayings might be quoted from him, in which 'sincerity' is
celebrated as highly and demanded as stringently as ever it has been by
any Christian moralist; yet he was not altogether the truthful and true
man to whom we accord our highest approbation. There was the case of
Mang Chih-fan, who boldly brought up the rear of the defeated troops of
Lu, and attributed his occupying the place of honour to the backwardness
of his horse. The action was gallant, but the apology for it was weak
and unnecessary. And yet Confucius saw nothing in the whole but matter
for praise . He could excuse himself from seeing an unwelcome visitor
on the ground that he was sick, when there was nothing the matter with
him . These were small matters, but what shall we say to the incident
which I have given in the sketch of his Life, p. 79,-- his deliberately
breaking the oath which he had sworn, simply on the ground that it had
been forced from him?
1 Ana. VII. xxiii.
2 Ana. VI. xx.
3 See above, near the beginning of this paragraph.
4 Ana. VI. xiii.
5 Am. XVII. xx.
I should be glad if I could find evidence on which to deny the truth
of that occurrence. But it rests on the same authority as most other
statements about him, and it is accepted as a fact by the people and
scholars of China. It must have had, and it must still have, a very
injurious influence upon them. Foreigners charge a habit of
deceitfulness upon the nation and its government;-- on the justice or
injustice of this charge I say nothing. For every word of falsehood and
every act of insincerity, the guilty party must bear his own burden, but
we cannot but regret the example of Confucius in this particular. It is
with the Chinese and their sage, as it was with the Jews of old and
their teachers. He that leads them has caused them to err, and destroyed
the way of their paths .
But was not insincerity a natural result of the un-religion of
Confucius? There are certain virtues which demand a true piety in order
to their flourishing in the heart of man. Natural affection, the feeling
of loyalty, and enlightened policy, may do much to build up and preserve
a family and a state, but it requires more to maintain the love of
truth, and make a lie, spoken or acted, to be shrunk from with shame. It
requires in fact the living recognition of a God of truth, and all the
sanctions of revealed religion. Unfortunately the Chinese have not had
these, and the example of him to whom they bow down as the best and
wisest of men, does not set them against dissimulation.
7. I go on to a brief discussion of Confucius's views on government,
or what we may call his principles of political science. It
[Sidebar] His views on government.
could not be in his long intercourse with his disciples but that he
should enunciate many maxims bearing on character and morals generally,
but he never rested in the improvement of the individual. 'The kingdom,
the world, brought to a state of happy tranquillity ,' was the grand
object which he delighted to think of; that it might be brought about as
easily as 'one can look upon the palm of his hand,' was the dream which
it pleased him to indulge . He held that there was in men an
adaptation and readiness to be governed, which only needed to be taken
advantage of in the proper way. There must be the right administrators,
but given those, and 'the growth of government would be rapid, just as
vegetation is rapid in the earth; yea, their
1 Isaiah iii. 12.
2 天下平. See the 大學, 經, pars. 4, 5; &c.
3 Ana. III. xi; et al.
government would display itself like an easily-growing rush .' The
same sentiment was common from the lips of Mencius. Enforcing it one
day, when conversing with one of the petty rulers of his time, he said
in his peculiar style, 'Does your Majesty understand the way of the
growing grain? During the seventh and eighth months, when drought
prevails, the plants become dry. Then the clouds collect densely in the
heavens; they send down torrents of rain, and the grain erects itself as
if by a shoot. When it does so, who can keep it back ?' Such, he
contended, would be the response of the mass of the people to any true
'shepherd of men.' It may be deemed unnecessary that I should specify
this point, for it is a truth applicable to the people of all nations.
Speaking generally, government is by no device or cunning craftiness;
human nature demands it. But in no other family of mankind is the
characteristic so largely developed as in the Chinese. The love of order
and quiet, and a willingness to submit to 'the powers that be,'
eminently distinguish them. Foreign writers have often taken notice of
this, and have attributed it to the influence of Confucius's doctrines
as inculcating subordination; but it existed previous to his time. The
character of the people molded his system, more than it was molded by
This readiness to be governed arose, according to Confucius, from
'the duties of universal obligation, or those between sovereign and
minister, between father and son, between husband and wife, between
elder brother and younger, and those belonging to the intercourse of
friends .' Men as they are born into the world, and grow up in it,
find themselves existing in those relations. They are the appointment of
Heaven. And each relation has its reciprocal obligations, the
recognition of which is proper to the Heaven-conferred nature. It only
needs that the sacredness of the relations be maintained, and the duties
belonging to them faithfully discharged, and the 'happy tranquillity'
will prevail all under heaven. As to the institutions of government, the
laws and arrangements by which, as through a thousand channels, it
should go forth to carry plenty and prosperity through the length and
breadth of the country, it did not belong to Confucius, 'the throneless
king,' to set them forth minutely. And indeed they were existing in the
records of 'the ancient sovereigns.' Nothing new was needed. It was only
1 中庸, xx. 3.
2 Mencius, I. Pt. I. vi. 6.
3 中庸, xx. 8.
requisite to pursue the old paths, and raise up the old standards.
'The government of Wan and Wu,' he said, 'is displayed in the records,--
the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there be the men, and the government
will flourish; but without the men, the government decays and ceases
.' To the same effect was the reply which he gave to Yen Hui when
asked by him how the government of a State should be administered. It
seems very wide of the mark, until we read it in the light of the sage's
veneration for ancient ordinances, and his opinion of their sufficiency.
'Follow,' he said, 'the seasons of Hsia. Ride in the state carriages of
Yin. Wear the ceremonial cap of Chau. Let the music be the Shao with its
pantomimes. Banish the songs of Chang, and keep far from specious
Confucius's idea then of a happy, well-governed State did not go
beyond the flourishing of the five relations of society which have been
mentioned; and we have not any condensed exhibition from him of their
nature, or of the duties belonging to the several parties in them. Of
the two first he spoke frequently, but all that he has said on the
others would go into small compass. Mencius has said that 'between
father and son there should be affection; between sovereign and minister
righteousness; between husband and wife attention to their separate
functions; between old and young, a proper order; and between friends,
fidelity .' Confucius, I apprehend, would hardly have accepted this
account. It does not bring out sufficiently the authority which he
claimed for the father and the sovereign, and the obedience which he
exacted from the child and the minister. With regard to the relation of
husband and wife, he was in no respect superior to the preceding sages
who had enunciated their views of 'propriety' on the subject. We have a
somewhat detailed exposition of his opinions in the 'Narratives of the
School.'-- 'Man,' said he, 'is the representative of Heaven, and is
supreme over all things. Woman yields obedience to the instructions of
man, and helps to carry out his principles . On this account she can
determine nothing of herself, and is subject to the rule of the three
obediences. When young, she must obey her father and elder brother; when
married, she must obey her husband;
1 中庸, xx. 2.
2 Ana. XV. x.
3 Mencius, III. Pt. I. iv. 8.
4 男子者, 任天道而長萬物者也; 女子者, 順男子之道, 而長其理者也.
when her husband is dead, she must obey her son. She may not think of
marrying a second time. No instructions or orders must issue from the
harem. Woman's business is simply the preparation and supplying of drink
and food. Beyond the threshold of her apartments she should not be known
for evil or for good. She may not cross the boundaries of the State to
attend a funeral. She may take no step on her own motion, and may come
to no conclusion on her own deliberation. There are five women who are
not to be taken in marriage:-- the daughter of a rebellious house; the
daughter of a disorderly house; the daughter of a house which has
produced criminals for more than one generation; the daughter of a
leprous house; and the daughter who has lost her father and elder
brother. A wife may be divorced for seven reasons, which, however, may
be overruled by three considerations. The grounds for divorce are
disobedience to her husband's parents; not giving birth to a son;
dissolute conduct; jealousy-- (of her husband's attentions, that is, to
the other inmates of his harem); talkativeness; and thieving. The three
considerations which may overrule these grounds are-- first, if, while
she was taken from a home, she has now no home to return to; second, if
she have passed with her husband through the three years' mourning for
his parents; third, if the husband have become rich from being poor. All
these regulations were adopted by the sages in harmony with the natures
of man and woman, and to give importance to the ordinance of marriage
With these ideas of the relations of society, Confucius dwelt much on
the necessity of personal correctness of character on the part of those
in authority, in order to secure the right fulfillment of the duties
implied in them. This is one grand peculiarity of his teaching. I have
adverted to it in the review of 'The Great Learning,' but it deserves
some further exhibition, and there are three conversations with the
chief Chi K'ang in which it is very expressly set forth. 'Chi K'ang
asked about government, and Confucius replied, "To govern means to
rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not
to be correct?"' 'Chi K'ang, distressed about the number of thieves in
the State, inquired of Confucius about how to do away with them.
Confucius said, "If you, sir, were not covetous, though you should
reward them to do it, they would not steal."' 'Chi K'ang asked about
1 家語卷三, 本命解
saying, "What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good of
the principled?" Confucius replied, "Sir, in carrying on your
government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced desires
be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation between
superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the grass. The
grass must bend, when the wind blows across it ."'
Example is not so powerful as Confucius in these and many other
passages represented it, but its influence is very great. Its virtue is
recognised in the family, and it is demanded in the church of Christ. 'A
bishop'-- and I quote the term with the simple meaning of overseer--
'must be blameless.' It seems to me, however, that in the progress of
society in the West we have come to think less of the power of example
in many departments of state than we ought to do. It is thought of too
little in the army and the navy. We laugh at the 'self-denying
ordinance,' and the 'new model' of 1644, but there lay beneath them the
principle which Confucius so broadly propounded,-- the importance of
personal virtue in all who are in authority. Now that Great Britain is
the governing power over the masses of India and that we are coming more
and more into contact with tens of thousands of the Chinese, this maxim
of our sage is deserving of serious consideration from all who bear
rule, and especially from those on whom devolves the conduct of affairs.
His words on the susceptibility of the people to be acted on by those
above them ought not to prove as water spilt on the ground.
But to return to Confucius.-- As he thus lays it down that the
mainspring of the well-being of society is the personal character of the
ruler, we look anxiously for what directions he has given for the
cultivation of that. But here he is very defective. 'Self-adjustment and
purification,' he said, 'with careful regulation of his dress, and the
not making a movement contrary to the rules of propriety;-- this is the
way for the ruler to cultivate his person .' This is laying too much
stress on what is external; but even to attain to this is beyond
unassisted human strength. Confucius, however, never recognised a
disturbance of the moral elements in the constitution of man. The people
would move, according to him, to the virtue of their ruler as the grass
bends to the wind, and that virtue
1 Ana. XII. xvii; xviii; xix.
2 中庸, xx. 14.
would come to the ruler at his call. Many were the lamentations which
he uttered over the degeneracy of his times; frequent were the
confessions which he made of his own shortcomings. It seems strange that
it never came distinctly before him, that there is a power of evil in
the prince and the peasant, which no efforts of their own and no
instructions of sages are effectual to subdue.
The government which Confucius taught was a despotism, but of a
modified character. He allowed no 'jus divinum,' independent of
personal virtue and a benevolent rule. He has not explicitly stated,
indeed, wherein lies the ground of the great relation of the governor
and the governed, but his views on the subject were, we may assume, in
accordance with the language of the Shu-ching:-- 'Heaven and Earth are
the parents of all things, and of all things men are the most
intelligent. The man among them most distinguished for intelligence
becomes chief ruler, and ought to prove himself the parent of the people
.' And again, 'Heaven, protecting the inferior people, has
constituted for them rulers and teachers, who should be able to be
assisting to God, extending favour and producing tranquillity throughout
all parts of the kingdom .' The moment the ruler ceases to be a
minister of God for good, and does not administer a government that is
beneficial to the people, he forfeits the title by which he holds the
throne, and perseverance in oppression will surely lead to his
overthrow. Mencius inculcated this principle with a frequency and
boldness which are remarkable. It was one of the things about which
Confucius did not like to talk. Still he held it. It is conspicuous in
the last chapter of 'The Great Learning.' Its tendency has been to check
the violence of oppression, and maintain the self-respect of the people,
all along the course of Chinese history.
I must bring these observations on Confucius's views of government to
a close, and I do so with two remarks. First, they are adapted to a
primitive, unsophisticated state of society. He is a good counsellor for
the father of a family, the chief of a clan, and even the head of a
small principality. But his views want the comprehension which would
make them of much service in a great dominion. Within three centuries
after his death,the government of China passed into a new phase. The
founder of the Ch'in dynasty conceived the grand idea of abolishing all
its feudal kingdoms, and centralizing their administration in himself.
He effected the revo-
l 2 See the Shu-ching, V. i. Sect. I. 2, 7.
lution, and succeeding dynasties adopted his system, and gradually
molded it into the forms and proportions which are now existing. There
has been a tendency to advance, and Confucius has all along been trying
to carry the nation back. Principles have been needed, and not
'proprieties.' The consequence is that China has increased beyond its
ancient dimensions, while there has been no corresponding development of
thought. Its body politic has the size of a giant, while it still
retains the mind of a child. Its hoary age is in danger of becoming but
Second, Confucius makes no provision for the intercourse of his
country with other and independent nations. He knew indeed of none such.
China was to him 'The Middle Kingdom ,' 'The multitude of Great
States ,' 'All under heaven .' Beyond it were only rude and
barbarous tribes. He does not speak of them bitterly, as many Chinese
have done since his time. In one place he contrasts their condition
favourably with the prevailing anarchy of the kingdom, saying 'The rude
tribes of the east and north have their princes, and are not like the
States of our great land which are without them .' Another time,
disgusted with the want of appreciation which he experienced, he was
expressing his intention to go and live among the nine wild tribes of
the east. Some one said, 'They are rude. How can you do such a thing?'
His reply was, 'If a superior man dwelt among them, what rudeness would
there be ?' But had he been a ruler-sage, he would not only have
influenced them by his instructions, but brought them to acknowledge and
submit to his sway, as the great Yu did . The only passage of
Confucius's teachings from which any rule can be gathered for dealing
with foreigners is that in the 'Doctrine of the Mean,' where 'indulgent
treatment of men from a distance' is laid down as one of the nine
standard rules for the government of the country . But 'the men from
a distance' are understood to be pin and lu  simply,--
'guests,' that is, or officers of one State seeking employment in
another, or at the royal court; and 'visitors,' or travelling merchants.
Of independent nations the ancient classics have not any knowledge, nor
has Confucius. So long as merchants from Europe and other parts of the
world could have been content to appear in China as suppliants, seeking
the privilege of trade, so
2 諸夏; Ana. III. v.
3 天下; passim.
4 Ana. III. v.
5 Ana. IX. xiii.
6 書經, III. ii. 10; et al.
long the government would have ranked them with the barbarous hordes
of antiquity, and given them the benefit of the maxim about 'indulgent
treatment,' according to its own understanding of it. But when their
governments interfered, and claimed to treat with that of China on terms
of equality, and that their subjects should be spoken to and of as being
of the same clay with the Chinese themselves, an outrage was committed
on tradition and prejudice, which it was necessary to resent with
I do not charge the contemptuous arrogance of the Chinese government
and people upon Confucius; what I deplore, is that he left no principles
on record to check the development of such a spirit. His simple views of
society and government were in a measure sufficient for the people while
they dwelt apart from the rest of mankind. His practical lessons were
better than if they had been left, which but for him they probably would
have been, to fall a prey to the influences of Taoism and Buddhism, but
they could only subsist while they were left alone. Of the earth earthy,
China was sure to go to pieces when it came into collision with a
Christianly-civilized power. Its sage had left it no preservative or
restorative elements against such a case.
It is a rude awakening from its complacency of centuries which China
has now received. Its ancient landmarks are swept away. Opinions will
differ as to the justice or injustice of the grounds on which it has
been assailed, and I do not feel called to judge or to pronounce here
concerning them. In the progress of events, it could hardly be but that
the collision should come; and when it did come it could not be but that
China should be broken and scattered. Disorganization will go on to
destroy it more and more, and yet there is hope for the people, with
their veneration for the relations of society, with their devotion to
learning, and with their habits of industry and sobriety; there is hope
for them, if they will look away from all their ancient sages, and turn
to Him, who sends them, along with the dissolution of their ancient
state, the knowledge of Himself, the only living and true God, and of
Jesus Christ whom He hath sent.
8. I have little more to add on the opinions of Confucius. Many of
his sayings are pithy, and display much knowledge of character; but as
they are contained in the body of the Work, I will not occupy the space
here with a selection of those which have struck myself as most worthy
of notice. The fourth Book of the Analects,
which is on the subject of zan, or perfect virtue, has several
utterances which are remarkable.
Thornton observes:-- 'It may excite surprise, and probably
incredulity, to state that the golden rule of our Saviour, 'Do unto
others as you would that they should do unto you,' which Mr. Locke
designates as 'the most unshaken rule of morality, and foundation of all
social virtue,' had been inculcated by Confucius, almost in the same
words, four centuries before .' I have taken notice of this fact in
reviewing both 'The Great Learning' and 'The Doctrine of the Mean.' I
would be far from grudging a tribute of admiration to Confucius for it.
The maxim occurs also twice in the Analects. In Book XV. xxiii, Tsze-kung
asks if there be one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all
one's life, and is answered, 'Is not reciprocity such a word? What you
do not want done to yourself do not do to others.' The same disciple
appears in Book V. xi, telling Confucius that he was practising the
lesson. He says, 'What I do not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to
do to men;' but the master tells him, 'Tsze, you have not attained to
that.' It would appear from this reply, that he was aware of the
difficulty of obeying the precept ; and it is not found, in its
condensed expression at least, in the older classics. The merit of it is
When a comparison, however, is drawn between it and the rule laid
down by Christ, it is proper to call attention to the positive form of
the latter, 'All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you,
do ye even so to them.' The lesson of the gospel commands men to do what
they feel to be right and good. It requires them to commence a course of
such conduct, without regard to the conduct of others to themselves. The
lesson of Confucius only forbids men to do what they feel to be wrong
and hurtful. So far as the point of priority is concerned, moreover,
Christ adds, 'This is the law and the prophets.' The maxim was to be
found substantially in the earlier revelations of God. Still it must be
allowed that Confucius was well aware of the importance of taking the
initiative in discharging all the relations of society. See his words as
quoted from 'The Doctrine of the Mean' on pages 48, 49 above. But the
worth of the two maxims depends on the intention of the enunciators in
regard to their application. Confucius, it seems to me, did not think of
the reciprocity coming into action beyond the circle of his five
relations of society. Possibly, he might have
1 History of China, vol. i. p. 209.
required its observance in dealings even with the rude tribes, which
were the only specimens of mankind besides his own countrymen of which
he knew anything, for on one occasion, when asked about perfect virtue,
he replied, 'It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in the
management of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse with
others, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among the rude
uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected .' Still
Confucius delivered his rule to his countrymen only, and only for their
guidance in their relations of which I have had so much occasion to
speak. The rule of Christ is for man as man, having to do with other
men, all with himself on the same platform, as the children and subjects
of the one God and Father in heaven.
How far short Confucius came of the standard of Christian
benevolence, may be seen from his remarks when asked what was to be
thought of the principle that injury should be recompensed with
kindness. He replied, 'With what then will you recompense kindness?
Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with kindness
.' The same deliverance is given in one of the Books of the Li Chi,
where he adds that 'he who recompenses injury with kindness is a man who
is careful of his person .' Chang Hsuan, the commentator of the
second century, says that such a course would be 'incorrect in point of
propriety .' This 'propriety' was a great stumbling-block in the way
of Confucius. His morality was the result of the balancings of his
intellect, fettered by the decisions of men of old, and not the gushings
of a loving heart, responsive to the promptings of Heaven, and in
sympathy with erring and feeble humanity.
This subject leads me on to the last of the opinions of Confucius
which I shall make the subject of remark in this place. A commentator
observes, with reference to the inquiry about recompensing injury with
kindness, that the questioner was asking only about trivial matters,
which might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, while great offences,
such as those against a sovereign or a father, could not be dealt with
by such an inversion of the principles of justice . In the second
Book of the Li Chi there is the following passage:-- 'With the slayer of
his father, a man may not live under the same heaven; against the slayer
of his brother, a man must never have to go home to fetch a weapon; with
the slayer of
1 Ana. XIII. xix.
2 Ana. XIV. xxxvi.
3 禮記, 表記, par. 12.
5 See notes in loc., p. 288.
his friend, a man may not live in the same State .' The lex
talionis is here laid down in its fullest extent. The Chau Li tells
us of a provision made against the evil consequences of the principle,
by the appointment of a minister called 'The Reconciler .' The
provision is very inferior to the cities of refuge which were set apart
by Moses for the manslayer to flee to from the fury of the avenger. Such
as it was, however, it existed, and it is remarkable that Confucius,
when consulted on the subject, took no notice of it, but affirmed the
duty of blood-revenge in the strongest and most unrestricted terms. His
disciple Tsze-hsia asked him, 'What course is to be pursued in the case
of the murder of a father or mother?' He replied, 'The son must sleep
upon a matting of grass, with his shield for his pillow; he must decline
to take office; he must not live under the same heaven with the slayer.
When he meets him in the marketplace or the court, he must have his
weapon ready to strike him.' 'And what is the course on the murder of a
brother?' 'The surviving brother must not take office in the same State
with the slayer; yet if he go on his prince's service to the State where
the slayer is, though he meet him, he must not fight with him.' 'And
what is the course on the murder of an uncle or a cousin?' 'In this case
the nephew or cousin is not the principal. If the principal on whom the
revenge devolves can take it, he has only to stand behind with his
weapon in his hand, and support him .'
Sir John Davis has rightly called attention to this as one of the
objectionable principles of Confucius . The bad effects of it are
evident even in the present day. Revenge is sweet to the Chinese. I have
spoken of their readiness to submit to government, and wish to live in
peace, yet they do not like to resign even to government the
'inquisition for blood.' Where the ruling authority is feeble, as it is
at present, individuals and clans take the law into their own hands, and
whole districts are kept in a state of constant feud and warfare.
But I must now leave the sage. I hope I have not done him injustice;
the more I have studied his character and opinions, the more highly have
I come to regard him. He was a very great man, and his influence has
been on the whole a great benefit to the Chinese, while his teachings
suggest important lessons to ourselves who profess to belong to the
school of Christ.
1 禮記, I. Sect. I. Pt. v. 10.
2 周禮, 卷之十四, pp. 14-18.
3 禮記, II. Sect. I. Pt. ii. 24. See also the 家語, 卷四, 子貢問.
4 The Chinese, vol. ii. p. 41.
HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES.
Sze-ma Ch'ien makes Confucius say: 'The disciples who received my
instructions, and could themselves comprehend them, were seventy-seven
individuals. They were all scholars of extraordinary ability .' The
common saying is, that the disciples of the sage were three thousand,
while among them there were seventy-two worthies. I propose to give here
a list of all those whose names have come down to us, as being his
followers. Of the greater number it will be seen that we know nothing
more than their names and surnames. My principal authorities will be the
'Historical Records,' the 'Narratives of the School,' 'The Sacrificial
Canon for the Sage's Temple, with Plates,' and the chapter on 'The
Disciples of Confucius' prefixed to the 'Four Books, Text and
Commentary, with Proofs and Illustrations.' In giving a few notices of
the better-known individuals, I will endeavour to avoid what may be
gathered from the Analects.
1. Yen Hui, by designation Tsze-yuan (顏回, 字子淵). He was a native of
Lu, the favourite of his master, whose junior he was by thirty years,
and whose disciple he became when he was quite a youth. 'After I got
Hui,' Confucius remarked, 'the disciples came closer to me.' We are told
that once, when he found himself on the Nang hill with Hui, Tsze-lu, and
Tsze- kung, Confucius asked them to tell him their different aims, and
he would choose between them. Tsze-lu began, and when he had done, the
master said, 'It marks your bravery.' Tsze-kung followed, on whose words
the judgment was, 'They show your discriminating eloquence.' At last
came Yen Yuan, who said, 'I should like to find an intelligent king and
sage ruler whom I might assist. I would diffuse among the people
instructions on the five great points, and lead them on by the rules of
propriety and music, so that they should not care to fortify their
cities by walls and moats, but would fuse their swords and spears into
implements of agriculture. They should send forth their flocks without
fear into the plains and forests. There should be no sunderings of
families, no widows or widowers. For a thousand
1 孔子曰, 受業身通者, 七十有七人, 皆異能之士也.
years there would be no calamity of war. Yu would have no opportunity
to display his bravery, or Ts'ze to display his oratory.' The master
pronounced, 'How admirable is this virtue!'
When Hui was twenty-nine, his hair was all white, and in three years
more he died. He was sacrificed to, along with Confucius, by the first
emperor of the Han dynasty. The title which he now has in the
sacrificial Canon,-- 'Continuator of the Sage,' was conferred in the
ninth year of the emperor, or, to speak more correctly, of the period,
Chia-ching, A. D. 1530. Almost all the present sacrificial titles of the
worthies in the temple were fixed at that time. Hui's place is the first
of the four Assessors, on the east of the sage .
2. Min Sun, styled Tsze-ch'ien (閔損，字子騫). He was a native of Lu,
fifteen years younger than Confucius, according to Sze-ma Ch'ien, but
fifty years younger, according to the 'Narratives of the School,' which
latter authority is followed in 'The Annals of the Empire.' When he
first came to Confucius, we are told, he had a starved look , which
was by-and-by exchanged for one of fulness and satisfaction . Tsze-kung
asked him how the change had come about. He replied, 'I came from the
midst of my reeds and sedges into the school of the master. He trained
my mind to filial piety, and set before me the examples of the ancient
kings. I felt a pleasure in his instructions; but when I went abroad,
and saw the people in authority, with their umbrellas and banners, and
all the pomp and circumstance of their trains, I also felt pleasure in
that show. These two things assaulted each other in
1 I have referred briefly, at p. 91, to the temples of Confucius. The
principal hall, called 大成殿, or 'Hall of the Great and Complete One,' is
that in which is his own statue or the tablet of his spirit, having on
each side of it, within a screen, the statues, or tablets, of his 'four
Assessors.' On the east and west, along the walls of the same apartment,
are the two 序, the places of the 十二哲, or 'twelve Wise Ones,' those of
his disciples, who, next to the 'Assessors,' are counted worthy of
honour. Outside this apartment, and running in a line with the two 序,
but along the external wall of the sacred inclosure, are the two 廡, or
side-galleries, which I have sometimes called the ranges of the outer
court. In each there are sixty-four tablets of the disciples and other
worthies, having the same title as the Wise Ones, that of 先賢, or
'Ancient Worthy,' or the inferior title of 先儒, 'Ancient Scholar.' Behind
the principal hall is the 崇聖祠殿, sacred to Confucius's ancestors, whose
tablets are in the centre, fronting the south, like that of Confucius.
On each side are likewise the tablets of certain 'ancient Worthies,' and
my breast. I could not determine which to prefer, and so I wore that
look of distress. But now the lessons of our master have penetrated
deeply into my mind. My progress also has been helped by the example of
you my fellow-disciples. I now know what I should follow and what I
should avoid, and all the pomp of power is no more to me than the dust
of the ground. It is on this account that I have that look of fulness
and satisfaction.' Tsze- ch'ien was high in Confucius's esteem. He was
distinguished for his purity and filial affection. His place in the
temple is the first, east, among 'The Wise Ones,' immediately after the
four assessors. He was first sacrificed to along with Confucius, as is
to be understood of the other 'Wise Ones,' excepting in the case of Yu
Zo, in the eighth year of the style K'ai-yuan of the sixth emperor of
the T'ang dynasty, A.D. 720. His title, the same as that of all but the
Assessors, is-- 'The ancient Worthy, the philosopher Min.'
3 . Zan Kang, styled Po-niu (冉耕, 字白 [al. 百] 牛). He was a
native of Lu, and Confucius's junior only by seven years. When Confucius
became minister of Crime, he appointed Po-niu to the office, which he
had himself formerly held, of commandant of Chung-tu. His tablet is now
fourth among 'The Wise Ones,' on the west.
4. Zan Yung, styled Chung-kung (冉雍, 字仲弓). He was of the same clan as
Zan Kang, and twenty-nine years younger than Confucius. He had a bad
father, but the master declared that was not to be counted to him, to
detract from his admitted excellence. His place is among 'The Wise
Ones,' the second, east.
5. Zan Ch'iu, styled Tsze-yu (冉求, 字子有). He was related to the two
former, and of the same age as Chung-kung. He was noted among the
disciples for his versatile ability and many acquirements. Tsze-kung
said of him, 'Respectful to the old, and kind to the young; attentive to
guests and visitors; fond of learning and skilled in many arts; diligent
in his examination of things:-- these are what belong to Zan Ch'iu." It
has been noted in the life of Confucius that it was by the influence of
Tsze-yu that he was finally restored to Lu. He occupies the third place,
west, among 'The Wise Ones.'
6. Chung Yu, styled Tsze-lu and Chi-lu (仲由, 字子路, 又字季路). He was a
native of P'ien (卞) in Lu and only
nine years younger than Confucius. At their first interview, the
master asked him what he was fond of, and he replied, 'My long sword.'
Confucius said, 'If to your present ability there were added the results
of learning, you would be a very superior man.' 'Of what advantage would
learning be to me?' asked Tsze-lu. 'There is a bamboo on the southern
hill, which is straight itself without being bent. If you cut it down
and use it, you can send it through a rhinoceros's hide;-- what is the
use of learning?' 'Yes,' said the master; 'but if you feather it and
point it with steel, will it not penetrate more deeply?' Tsze-lu bowed '
twice, and said, 'I will reverently receive your instructions.'
Confucius was wont to say, 'From the time that I got Yu, bad words no
more came to my ears.' For some time Tsze-lu was chief magistrate of the
district of P'u (蒲), where his administration commanded the warm
commendations of the master. He died finally in Wei, as has been related
above, pp. 86, 87. His tablet is now the fourth, east, from those of the
7. Tsai Yu styled Tsze-wo (宰予, 字子我). He was a native of Lu, but
nothing is mentioned of his age. He had 'a sharp mouth,' according to
Sze- ma Ch'ien. Once, when he was at the court of Ch'u on some
commission, the king Chao offered him an easy carriage adorned with
ivory for his master. Yu replied, 'My master is a man who would rejoice
in a government where right principles were carried out, and can find
his joy in himself when that is not the case. Now right principles and
virtue are as it were in a state of slumber. His wish is to rouse and
put them in motion. Could he find a prince really anxious to rule
according to them, he would walk on foot to his court and be glad to do
so. Why need he receive such a valuable gift, as this from so great a
distance?' Confucius commended this reply; but where he is mentioned in
the Analects, Tsze-wo does not appear to great advantage. He took
service in the State of Ch'i, and was chief magistrate of Lin-tsze,
where he joined with T'ien Ch'ang in some disorderly movement , which
led to the destruction of his kindred, and made Confucius ashamed of
him. His tablet is now the second, west, among 'The Wise Ones.'
8. Twan-mu Ts'ze, styled Tsze-kung (端木賜, 字子貢 [al. 子贛]), whose
place is now third, east, from the Assessors. He
1 與田常作亂. See Sze-ma Ch'ien's Biographies, chap. 7, though come have
doubted the genuineness of this part of the notice of Tsze-wo.
was a native of Wei (衛), and thirty-one years younger than Confucius.
He had great quickness of natural ability, and appears in the Analects
as one of the most forward talkers among the disciples. Confucius used
to say, 'From the time that I got Ts'ze, scholars from a distance came
daily resorting to me.' Several instances of the language which he used
to express his admiration of the master have been given in the last
section. Here is another:-- The duke Ching of Ch'i asked Tsze-kung how
Chung-ni was to be ranked as a sage. 'I do not know,' was the reply. 'I
have all my life had the heaven over my head, but I do not know its
height, and the earth under my feet, but I do not know its thickness. In
my serving of Confucius, I am like a thirsty man who goes with his
pitcher to the river, and there he drinks his fill, without knowing the
river's depth.' He took leave of Confucius to become commandant of Hsin-yang
(信陽宰), when the master said to him, 'In dealing with your subordinates,
there is nothing like impartiality; and when wealth comes in your way,
there is nothing like moderation. Hold fast these two things, and do not
swerve from them. To conceal men's excellence is to obscure the worthy;
and to proclaim people's wickedness is the part of a mean man. To speak
evil of those whom you have not sought the opportunity to instruct is
not the way of friendship and harmony.' Subsequently Tsze-kung was high
in office both in Lu and Wei, and finally died in Ch'i. We saw how he
was in attendance on Confucius at the time of the sage's death. Many of
the disciples built huts near the master's grave, and mourned for him
three years, but Tsze-kung remained sorrowing alone for three years
9. Yen Yen, styled Tsze-yu (言偃, 字子游), now the fourth in the western
range of 'The Wise Ones.' He was a native of Wu (吳), forty-five years
younger than Confucius, and distinguished for his literary acquirements.
Being made commandant of Wu-ch'ang, he transformed the character of the
people by 'proprieties' and music, and was praised by the master. After
the death of Confucius, Chi K'ang asked Yen how that event had made no
sensation like that which was made by the death of Tsze-ch'an, when the
men laid aside their bowstring rings and girdle ornaments, and the women
laid aside their pearls and ear-rings, and the voice of weeping was
heard in the lanes for three months. Yen replied, 'The influences of
Tsze- ch'an and my master might be compared
to those of overflowing water and the fattening rain. Wherever the
water in its overflow reaches, men take knowledge of it, while the
fattening rain falls unobserved.'
10. Pu Shang, styled Tsze-hsia (卜商, 字子夏). It is not certain to what
State he belonged, his birth being assigned to Wei (衛), to Wei (魏), and
to Wan (溫). He was forty-five years younger than Confucius, and lived to
a great age, for we find him, B.C. 406, at the court of the prince Wan
of Wei ( 魏), to whom he gave copies of some of the classical Books. He
is represented as a scholar extensively read and exact, but without
great comprehension of mind. What is called Mao's Shih-ching (毛詩) is
said to contain the views of Tsze-hsia. Kung-yang Kao and Ku-liang Ch'ih
are also said to have studied the Ch'un Ch'iu with him. On the occasion
of the death of his son he wept himself blind. His place is the fifth,
east, among 'The Wise Ones.'
11. Chwan-sun Shih, styled Tsze-chang (顓孫師, 字子張), has his tablet,
corresponding to that of the preceding, on the west. He was a native of
Ch'an (陳), and forty-eight years younger than Confucius. Tsze-kung said,
'Not to boast of his admirable merit; not to signify joy on account of
noble station; neither insolent nor indolent; showing no pride to the
dependent:-- these are the characteristics of Chwan-sun Shih.' When he
was sick, he called (his son) Shan-hsiang to him, and said, 'We speak of
his end in the case of a superior man, and of his death in
the case of a mean man. May I think that it is going to be the former
with me to-day?'
12. Tsang Shan [or Ts'an] styled Tsze-yu (曾參, 字子輿 [al. 子與]).
He was a native of south Wu-ch'ang, and forty-six years younger than
Confucius. In his sixteenth year he was sent by his father into Ch'u,
where Confucius then was, to learn under the sage. Excepting perhaps Yen
Hui, there is not a name of greater note in the Confucian school. Tsze-kung
said of him, 'There is no subject which he has not studied. His
appearance is respectful. His virtue is solid. His words command
credence. Before great men he draws himself up in the pride of
self-respect. His eyebrows are those of longevity.' He was noted for his
filial piety, and after the death of his parents, he could not read the
rites of mourning without being led to think of them, and moved to
tears. He was a voluminous writer. Ten Books of his composition are said
to be contained in the 'Rites of the elder Tai'
(大戴禮). The Classic of Filial Piety he is said to have made under the
eye of Confucius. On his connexion with 'The Great Learning,' see above,
Ch. III. Sect. II. He was first associated with the sacrifices to
Confucius in A.D. 668, but in 1267 he was advanced to be one of the
sage's four Assessors. His title-- 'Exhibitor of the Fundamental
Principles of the Sage,' dates from the period of Chia-ching, as
mentioned in speaking of Yen Hui.
13. Tan-t'ai Mieh-ming, styled Tsze-yu (澹臺滅明, 字子羽). He was a native
of Wu-ch'ang, thirty-nine years younger than Confucius, according to the
'Historical Records,' but forty-nine, according to the 'Narratives of
the School.' He was excessively ugly, and Confucius thought meanly of
his talents in consequence, on his first application to him. After
completing his studies, he travelled to the south as far as the Yang-tsze.
Traces of his presence in that part of the country are still pointed out
in the department of Su-chau. He was followed by about three hundred
disciples, to whom he laid down rules for their guidance in their
intercourse with the princes. When Confucius heard of his success, he
confessed how he had been led by his bad looks to misjudge him. He, with
nearly all the disciples whose names follow, first had a place assigned
to him in the sacrifices to Confucius in A.D. 739. The place of his
tablet is the second, east, in the outer court, beyond that of the
'Assessors' and 'Wise Ones.'
14. Corresponding to the preceding, on the west, is the tablet of Fu
Pu-ch'i styled Tsze-tsien (宓 [al. 密 and 虙, all = 伏] 不齊, 字子賤). He
was a native of Lu, and, according to different accounts, thirty, forty,
and forty-nine years younger than Confucius. He was commandant of Tan-fu
( 單父宰), and hardly needed to put forth any personal effort. Wu-ma Ch'i
had been in the same office, and had succeeded by dint of the greatest
industry and toil. He asked Pu-ch'i how he managed so easily for
himself, and was answered, 'I employ men; you employ men's strength.'
People pronounced Fu to be a superior man. He was also a writer, and his
works are mentioned in Liu Hsin's Catalogue.
15. Next to that of Mieh-ming is the tablet of Yuan Hsien, styled
Tsze- sze (原憲, 字子思) a native of Sung or according to Chang Hsuan, of Lu,
and younger than Confucius by thirty-six years. He was noted for his
purity and modesty, and for his
happiness in the principles of the master amid deep poverty. After
the death of Confucius, he lived in obscurity in Wei. In the notes to
Ana. VI. iii, I have referred to an interview which he had with Tsze-kung.
16. Kung-ye Ch'ang [al. Chih], styled Tsze-ch'ang [al.
Tsze- chih], (公冶長 [al. 芝], 字子長 [al. 子芝]), has his tablet
next to that of Pu-ch'i. He was son-in-law to Confucius. His nativity is
assigned both to Lu and to Ch'i.
17. Nan-kung Kwo, styled Tsze-yung (南宮括 [al. 适 and, in the
'Narratives of the School,' 縚 (T'ao)], 字子容), has the place at the east
next to Yuan Hsien. It is a question much debated whether he was the
same with Nan-kung Chang-shu, who accompanied Confucius to the court of
Chau, or not. On occasion of a fire breaking out in the palace of duke
Ai, while others were intent on securing the contents of the Treasury,
Nan-kung directed his efforts to save the Library, and to him was owing
the preservation of the copy of the Chau Li which was in Lu, and other
18. Kung-hsi Ai, styled Chi-ts'ze [al. Chi-ch'an] (公皙哀, 字季次 [al.
季沉]). His tablet follows that of Kung-ye. He was a native of Lu, or of
Ch'i. Confucius commended him for refusing to take office with any of
the Families which were encroaching on the authority of the princes of
the States, and for choosing to endure the severest poverty rather than
sacrifice a tittle of his principles.
19. Tsang Tien, styled Hsi (曾蒧[al. 點], 字皙). .He was the father
of Tsang Shan. His place in the temples is the hall to Confucius's
ancestors, where his tablet is the first, west.
20. Yen Wu-yao, styled Lu (顏無繇, 字路). He was the father of Yen Hui,
younger than Confucius by six years. His sacrificial place is the first,
east, in the same hall as the last.
21. Following the tablet of Nan-kung Kwo is that of Shang Chu, styled
Tsze-mu (商瞿, 字子木). To him, it is said, we are indebted for the
preservation of the Yi-ching, which he received from Confucius. Its
transmission step by step, from Chu down to the Han dynasty, is minutely
22. Next to Kung-hsi Ai is the place of Kao Ch'ai, styled Tsze-kao
and Chi-kao (高柴, 字子羔 [al. 季羔; for 羔 moreover, we find 皋, and 睾]),
a native of Ch'i, according to the 'Narratives
of the School,' but of Wei, according to Sze-ma Ch'ien and Chang
Hsuan. He was thirty (some say forty) years younger than Confucius,
dwarfish and ugly, but of great worth and ability. At one time he was
criminal judge of Wei, and in the execution of his office condemned a
prisoner to lose his feet. Afterwards that same man saved his life, when
he was flying from the State. Confucius praised Ch'ai for being able to
administer stern justice with such a spirit of benevolence as to disarm
23. Shang Chu is followed by Ch'i-tiao K'ai [prop. Ch'i], styled
Tsze-k'ai, Tsze-zo, and Tsze-hsiu (漆雕開 [pr. 啟], 字子開, 子若, and 子修脩), a
native of Ts'ai (蔡), or according to Chang Hsuan, of Lu. We only know
him as a reader of the Shu-ching, and refusing to go into office.
24. Kung-po Liao, styled Tsze-chau (公伯僚, 字子周). He appears in the
Analects, XIV. xxxiii, slandering Tsze-lu. It is doubtful whether he
should have a place among the disciples.
25. Sze-ma Kang, styled Tsze-niu (司馬耕, 字子牛), follows Ch'i-tiao K'ai;
also styled 黍耕. He was a great talker, a native of Sung, and a brother
of Hwan T'ui, to escape from whom seems to have been the labour of his
26. The place next Kao Ch'ai is occupied by Fan Hsu, styled
Tsze-ch'ih (樊須, 字子遲), a native of Ch'i, or, according to others, of Lu,
and whose age is given as thirty-six and forty-six years younger than
Confucius. When young, he distinguished himself in a military command
under the Chi family.
27. Yu Zo, styled Tsze-zo (有若, 字子若). He was a native of Lu, and his
age is stated very variously. He was noted among the disciples for his
great memory and fondness for antiquity. After the death of Confucius,
the rest of the disciples, because of some likeness in Zo's speech to
the Master, wished to render the same observances to him which they had
done to Confucius, but on Tsang Shan's demurring to the thing, they
abandoned the purpose. The tablet of Tsze-zo is now the sixth, east
among 'The Wise Ones,' to which place it was promoted in the third year
of Ch'ien-lung of the present dynasty. This was done in compliance with
a memorial from the president of one of the Boards, who said he was
moved by a dream to make the request. We may suppose that his real
motives were a wish to do Justice to the merits of Tsze-zo, and to
restore the symmetry of the tablets in the 'Hall of the
Great and Complete One,' which had been disturbed by the introduction
of the tablet of Chu Hsi in the preceding reign.
28. Kung-hsi Ch'ih, styled Tsze-hwa (公西赤, 字子華), a native of Lu,
younger than Confucius by forty-two years, whose place is the fourth,
west, in the outer court. He was noted for his knowledge of ceremonies,
and the other disciples devolved on him all the arrangements about the
funeral of the Master.
29. Wu-ma Shih [or Ch'i], styled Tsze-Ch'i (巫馬施 [al. 期], 字子期 [al.
子旗]), a native of Ch'an, or, according to Chang Hsuan, of Lu, thirty
years younger than Confucius. His tablet is on the east, next to that of
Sze-ma Kang. It is related that on one occasion, when Confucius was
about to set out with a company of the disciples on a walk or journey,
he told them to take umbrellas. They met with a heavy shower, and Wu-ma
asked him, saying, 'There were no clouds in the morning; but after the
sun had risen, you told us to take umbrellas. How did you know that it
would rain?' Confucius said, 'The moon last evening was in the
constellation Pi, and is it not said in the Shih-ching, "When the moon
is in Pi, there will be heavy rain?" It was thus I knew it.'
30. Liang Chan [al. Li], styled Shu-yu (梁鱣 [al. 鯉] 字叔魚),
occupies the eighth place, west, among the tablets of the outer court.
He was a man of Ch'i, and his age is stated as twenty-nine and
thirty-nine years younger than Confucius. The following story is told in
connexion with him.-- When he was thirty, being disappointed that he had
no son, he was minded to put away his wife. 'Do not do so,' said Shang
Chu to him. 'I was thirty-eight before I had a son, and my mother was
then about to take another wife for me, when the Master proposed sending
me to Ch'i. My mother was unwilling that I should go, but Confucius
said, 'Don't be anxious. Chu will have five sons after he is forty.' It
has turned out so, and I apprehend it is your fault, and not your
wife's, that you have no son yet.' Chan took this advice, and in the
second year after, he had a son.
31. Yen Hsing [al. Hsin, Liu, and Wei], styled Tsze-liu (顏幸 [al.
辛, 柳, and 韋], 字子柳), occupies the place, east, after Wu-ma Shih. He was a
native of Lu, and forty-six years younger than Confucius.
32. Liang Chan is followed on the west by Zan Zu, styled Tsze-lu [al.
Tsze-tsang and Tsze-yu] (冉孺 [al. 儒] 字*子魯 [al. 子曾
* Digitizer's note: This is 宇 in the source text; I have corrected
what is an obvious misprint.
and 子魚]), a native of Lu, and fifty years younger than Confucius.
33. Yen Hsing is followed on the east by Ts'ao Hsu, styled Tsze-hsun
(曹卹, 字子循), a native of Ts'ai, fifty years younger than Confucius.
34. Next on the west is Po Ch'ien, styled Tsze-hsi, or, in the
current copies of the 'Narratives of the School,' Tsze-ch'iai (伯虔, 字子皙 [al.
子析] or 子楷), a native of Lu, fifty years younger than Confucius.
35. Following Tsze-hsun is Kung-sun Lung [al. Ch'ung] styled
Tsze- shih (公孫龍 [al. 寵], 字子石), whose birth is assigned by
different writers to Wei, Ch'u, and Chao (趙). He was fifty-three years
younger than Confucius. We have the following account:-- 'Tsze-kung
asked Tsze-shih, saying, "Have you not learned the Book of' Poetry?"
Tsze-shih replied, "What leisure have I to do so? My parents require me
to be filial; my brothers require me to be submissive; and my friends
require me to be sincere. What leisure have I for anything else?" "Come
to my Master," said Tsze-kung, "and learn of him."'
Sze-ma Ch'ien here observes: 'Of the thirty-five disciples which
precede, we have some details. Their age and other particulars are found
in the Books and Records. It is not so, however, in regard to the
fifty-two which follow.'
36. Zan Chi, styled Tsze-ch'an [al. Chi-ch'an and Tsze-ta]
(冉季, 字子產 [al. 季產 and 子達), a native of Lu, whose place is the
11th, west, next to Po Ch'ien.
37. Kung-tsu Kau-tsze or simply Tsze, styled Tsze-chih (公祖勾茲 [or
simply 茲], 字子之), a native of Lu. His tablet is the 23rd, east, in the
38. Ch'in Tsu, styled Tsze-nan (秦祖, 字子南), a native of Ch'in. His
tablet precedes that of the last, two places.
39. Ch'i-tiao Ch'ih, styled Tsze-lien (漆雕哆 [al. 侈], 字子斂), a
native of Lu. His tablet is the 13th, west.
40. Yen Kao, styled Tsze-chiao (顏高字子驕). According to the 'Narratives
of the School,' he was the same as Yen K'o (刻, or 剋), who drove the
carriage when Confucius rode in Wei after the duke and Nan-tsze. But
this seems doubtful. Other
authorities make his name Ch'an (產), and style him Tsze-tsing (子精).
His tablet is the 13th, east.
41. Ch'i-tiao Tu-fu [al. . Ts'ung], styled Tsze-yu, Tsze-ch'i,
and Tsze-wan (漆雕徒父 [al. 從], 字子有 or 子友 [al. 子期 and 子文]), a
native of Lu, whose tablet precedes that of Ch'i-tiao Ch'ih.
42. Zang Sze-ch'ih, styled Tsze-t'u, or Tsze-ts'ung (壤 [al. 穰]
駟赤, 字子徒 [al. 子從]), a native of Ch'in. Some consider Zang-sze (壤駟)
to be a double surname. His tablet comes after that of No. 40.
43. Shang Chai, styled Tsze-Ch'i and Tsze-hsiu (商澤, 字子季 [al.
子秀 ]), a native of Lu. His tablet is immediately after that of Fan Hsu,
44. Shih Tso [al. Chih and Tsze]-shu, styled Tsze-ming (石作 [al.
之 and 子], 蜀, 字子明). Some take Shih-tso (石作) as a double surname. His
tablet follows that of No. 42.
45. Zan Pu-ch'i, styled Hsuan (任不齊, 字選), a native of Ch'u, whose
tablet is next to that of No. 28.
46. Kung-liang Zu, styled Tsze-chang (公良孺 [al. 儒], 字子正), a
native of Ch'in, follows the preceding in the temples. The 'Sacrificial
Canon' says:-- 'Tsze-chang was a man of worth and bravery. When
Confucius was surrounded and stopped in P'u, Tsze-chang fought so
desperately, that the people of P'u were afraid, and let the Master go,
on his swearing that he would not proceed to Wei.'
47. Hau [al. Shih] Ch'u [al. Ch'ien], styled Tsze-li [al.
Li-ch'ih] (后 [al. 石] 處 [al. 虔], 字子里 [al. 里之]), a
native of Ch'i, having his tablet the 17th, east.
48. Ch'in Zan, styled K'ai (秦冉, 字開), a native of Ts'ai. He is not
given in the list of the 'Narratives of the School,' and on this account
his tablet was put out of the temples in the ninth year of Chia-tsing.
It was restored, however, in the second year of Yung-chang, A.D. 1724,
and is the 33rd, east, in the outer court.
49. Kung-hsia Shau, styled Shang [and Tsze-shang] (公夏首 [al.
守], 字乘 [and 子乘]), a native of Lu, whose tablet is next to that of No.
50. Hsi Yung-tien [or simply Tien], styled Tsze-hsi [al. Tsze-
chieh and Tsze-ch'ieh] (系容蒧 [or 點], 字子皙 [al. 子偕 and 子楷]), a
native of Wei, having his tablet the 18th, east.
51. Kung Chien-ting [al. Kung Yu], styled Tsze-chung (公肩 [al.
堅] 定 [al. 公有], 字子仲 [al. 中 and 忠]). His nativity is
assigned to Lu, to Wei, and to Tsin (晉). He follows No. 46.
52. Yen Tsu [al. Hsiang], styled Hsiang and Tsze-hsiang (顏祖 [al.
相], 字襄, and 子襄), a native of Lu, with his tablet following that of No.
53. Chiao Tan [al. Wu], styled Tsze-kea (鄡單 [al. 鄔＊],
字子家), a native of Lu. His place is next to that of No. 51.
54. Chu [al. Kau] Tsing-ch'iang [and simply Tsing], styled
Tsze- ch'iang [al. Tsze-chieh and Tsze-mang] (句 [al. 勾 and
鉤] 井疆 [and simply 井], 字子疆 [al. 子界 and 子孟]), a native of Wei,
following No. 52.
55. Han [al. Tsai]-fu Hei, styled Tsze-hei [al. Tsze-so
and Tsze-su] (罕 [al. 宰] 父黑, 字子黑 [al. 子索 and 子素]), a native
of Lu, whose tablet is next to that of No. 53.
56. Ch'in Shang, styled Tsze-p'ei [al. P'ei-tsze and Pu-tsze]
(秦商, 字子丕 [al. 丕茲 and 不茲]), a native of Lu, or, according to Chang
Hsuan, of Ch'u. He was forty years younger than Confucius. One
authority, however, says he was only four years younger, and that his
father and Confucius's father were both celebrated for their strength.
His tablet is the 12th, east.
57. Shin Tang, styled Chau (申黨字周). In the 'Narratives of the School'
there is a Shin Chi, styled Tsze-chau (申續, 字子周). The name is given by
others as T'ang (堂 and 儻) and Tsu (續), with the designation Tsze-tsu (子續
). These are probably the same person mentioned in the Analects as Shin
Ch'ang (申棖). Prior to the Ming dynasty they were sacrificed to as two,
but in A.D. 1530, the name Tang was expunged from the sacrificial list,
and only that of Ch'ang left. His tablet is the 31st, east.
58. Yen Chih-p'o, styled Tsze-shu [or simply Shu] (顏之僕, 字子叔 [or
simply 叔]), a native of Lu, who occupies the 29th place, east.
59. Yung Ch'i, styled Tsze-ch'i [al. Tsze-yen] (榮旂 [or 祈], 字子旗
or 子祺 [al. 子顏]), a native of Lu, whose tablet is the 20th, west.
* Digitizer's note: The actual variant used by Legge is (鄔左即右).
60. Hsien Ch'ang, styled Tsze-ch'i [al. Tsze-hung] (縣成, 字子棋 [al.
子橫]), a native of Lu. His place is the 22nd, east.
61. Tso Zan-ying [or simply Ying], styled Hsing and Tsze-hsing (左人郢
[or simply 郢], 字行 and 子行), a native of Lu. His tablet follows that of
62. Yen Chi, styled An [al. Tsze-sze] (燕伋 [or 級], 字恩 [al. 子思)
a native of Ch'in. His tablet is the 24th east.
63: Chang Kwo, styled Tsze-t'u (鄭國, 字子徒), a native of Lu. This is
understood to be the same with the Hsieh Pang, styled Tsze-ts'ung (薛邦,
字子從), of the 'Narratives of the School.' His tablet follows No. 61.
64. Ch'in Fei, styled Tsze-chih (秦非, 字子之), a native of Lu, having his
tablet the 31st, west.
65. Shih Chih-ch'ang, styled Tsze-hang [al. ch'ang] (施之常, 字子恆
[al. 常]), a native of Lu. His tablet is the 30th, east.
66. Yen K'wai, styled Tsze-shang (顏噲, 字子聲), a native of Lu. His
tablet is the next to that of No. 64.
67. Pu Shu-shang, styled Tsze-ch'e (步叔乘 [in the 'Narratives of the
School' we have an old form of 乘], 字子車), a native of Ch'i. Sometimes for
Pu (步) we find Shao (少). His tablet is the 30th, west.
68. Yuan K'ang, styled Tsze-chi (原亢, 字子籍), a native of Lu. Sze-ma
Ch'ien calls him Yuan K'ang-chi, not mentioning any designation. The
'Narratives of the School' makes him Yuan K'ang (抗), styled Chi. His
tablet is the 23rd, west.
69. Yo K'o [al. Hsin], styled Tsze-shang (樂欬, [al. 欣],
字子聲), a native of Lu. His tablet is the 25th, east.
70. Lien Chieh, styled Yung and Tsze-yung [al. Tsze-ts'ao]
(廉潔, 字庸 and 子庸 [al. 子曹), a native of Wei, or of Ch'i. His tablet
is next to that of No. 68.
71. Shu-chung Hui [al. K'wai], styled Tsze-ch'i (叔仲會 [al.
噲], 字子期), a native of Lu, or, according to Chang Hsuan, of Tsin. He was
younger than Confucius by fifty-four years. It is said that he and
another youth, called K'ung Hsuan (孔琁), attended by turns with their
pencils, and acted as amanuenses to the sage, and when Mang Wu-po
expressed a doubt of their competency, Confucius declared his
satisfaction with them. He follows Lien Chieh in the temples.
72. Yen Ho, styled Zan (顏何, 字冉), a native of Lu. The present copies
of the 'Narratives of the School' do not contain his name, and in A.D.
1588 Zan was displaced from his place in the temples. His tablet,
however, has been restored during the present dynasty. It is the 33rd,
73. Ti Hei, styled Che [al. Tsze-che and Che-chih] (狄黑, 字晢 [al.
子晢 and 晢之]), a native of Wei, or of Lu. His tablet is the 26th, east.
74. Kwei [al. Pang] Sun, styled Tsze-lien [al. Tsze-yin]
(□ (kui1 刲左邦右) [al. 邦] 巽, 字子歛 [al. 子飲]), a native of Lu.
His tablet is the 27th, west.
75. K'ung Chung, styled Tsze-mieh (孔忠, 字子蔑). This was the son, it is
said, of Confucius's elder brother, the cripple Mang-p'i. His tablet is
next to that of No. 73. His sacrificial title is 'The ancient Worthy,
the philosopher Mieh.'
76. Kung-hsi Yu-zu [al. Yu], styled Tsze-shang (公西輿如 [al.
輿 ], 字子上), a native of Lu. His place is the 26th, west.
77. Kung-hsi Tien, styled Tsze-shang (公西蒧 [or 點], 字子上 [al. 子尚
]), a native of Lu. His tablet is the 28th, east.
78. Ch'in Chang [al. Lao], styled Tsze-k'ai (琴張 [al. 牢], 字子開),
a native of Wei. His tablet is the 29th, west.
79. Ch'an K'ang, styled Tsze-k'ang [al. Tsze-ch'in] (陳亢, 字子亢 [al.
子禽]), a native of Ch'an. See notes on Ana. I. x.
80. Hsien Tan [al. Tan-fu and Fang], styled Tsze-hsiang (縣亶 [al.
亶父 and 豐], 字子象), a native of Lu. Some suppose that this is the same as
No. 53. The advisers of the present dynasty in such matters, however,
have considered them to be different, and in 1724, a tablet was assigned
to Hsien Tan, the 34th, west.
The three preceding names are given in the 'Narratives of the
The research of scholars has added about twenty others.
81. Lin Fang, styled Tsze-ch'iu (林放, 字子邱), a native of Lu. The only
thing known of him is from the Ana. III. iv. His tablet was displaced
under the Ming, but has been restored by the present dynasty. It is the
82. Chu Yuan, styled Po-yu (蘧瑗, 字伯玉), an officer of Wei, and, as
appears from the Analects and Mencius, an intimate
friend of Confucius. Still his tablet has shared the same changes as
that of Lin Fang. It is now the first, east.
83 and 84. Shan Ch'ang (申棖) and Shan T'ang (申堂). See No. 57.
85. Mu P'i (牧皮), mentioned by Mencius, VII. Pt. II. xxxvii. 4. His
entrance into the temple has been under the present dynasty. His tablet
is the 34th, east.
86. Tso Ch'iu-ming or Tso-ch'iu Ming (左丘明) has the 32nd place, east.
His title was fixed in A.D. 1530 to be 'The Ancient Scholar,' but in
1642 it was raised to that of 'Ancient Worthy.' To him we owe the most
distinguished of the annotated editions of the Ch'un Ch'iu. But whether
he really was a disciple of Confucius, and in personal communication
with him, is much debated.
The above are the only names and surnames of those of the disciples
who now share in the sacrifices to the sage. Those who wish to exhaust
the subject, mention in addition, on the authority of Tso Ch'iu-ming,
Chung-sun Ho-chi (仲孫何忌), a son of Mang Hsi (see p. 63), and Chung-sun
Shwo (仲孫說), also a son of Mang Hsi, supposed by many to be the same with
No. 17; Zu Pei, (孺悲), mentioned in the Analects, XVII. xx, and in the Li
Chi, XVIII. Sect. II. ii. 22; Kung-wang Chih-ch'iu (公罔之裘) and Hsu Tien
(序點), mentioned in the Li Chi, XLIII. 7; Pin-mau Chia (賓牟賈), mentioned
in the Li Chi, XVII. iii. 16; K'ung Hsuan (孔琁) and Hai Shu-lan (惠叔蘭), on
the authority of the 'Narratives of the School;' Ch'ang Chi (常季),
mentioned by Chwang-tsze; Chu Yu (鞫語), mentioned by Yen-tsze (晏子); Lien
Yu (廉瑀) and Lu Chun (魯峻), on the authority of 文翁石室; and finally Tsze-fu
Ho (子服何), the Tsze-fu Ching-po (子服景伯) of the Analects, XIV. xxxviii.